terminology - hellog〜英語史ブログ

■ #5458. 理論により異なる主語の捉え方 [subject][terminology][semantics][syntax][logic][case][generative_grammar]

　昨日の記事「#5457. 主語をめぐる論点」 ([2024-04-05-1]) に続き，別の言語学用語辞典からも主語 (subject) の項目を覗いてみよう．Crystal の用語辞典より引用する．

subject (n.) (S, sub, SUB, Subj, SUBJ) A term used in the analysis of GRAMMATICAL FUNCTIONS to refer to a major CONSTITUENT of SENTENCE or CLAUSE structure, traditionally associated with the 'doer' of an action, as in The cat bit the dog. The oldest approaches make a twofold distinction in sentence analysis between subject and PREDICATE, and this is still common, though not always in this terminology; other approaches distinguish subject from a series of other elements of STRUCTURE (OBJECT, COMPLEMENT, VERB, ADVERBIAL, in particular. Linguistic analyses have emphasized the complexity involved in this notion, distinguishing, for example, the grammatical subject from the UNDERLYING or logical subject of a sentence, as in The cat was chased by the dog, where The cat is the grammatical and the dog the logical subject. Not all subjects, moreover, can be analyzed as doers of an action, as in such sentences as Dirt attracts flies and The books sold well. The definition of subjects in terms of SURFACE grammatical features (using WORD-ORDER or INFLECTIONAL criteria) is usually relatively straightforward, but the specification of their function is more complex, and has attracted much discussion (e.g. in RELATIONAL GRAMMAR). In GENERATIVE grammar, subject is sometimes defined at the NP immediately DOMINATED by S. While NP is the typical formal realization of subject, other categories can have this function, e.g. clause (S-bar), as in That oil floats on water is a fact, and PP as in Between 6 and 9 will suit me. The term is also encountered in such contexts as RAISING and the SPECIFIED-SUBJECTION CONDITION.

　昨日引用・参照した McArthur の記述と重なっている部分もあるが，今回の Crystal の記述からは，拠って立つ言語理論に応じて主語の捉え方が異なることがよく分かる．関係文法では主語の果たす機能に着目しており，生成文法ではそもそも主語という用語を常用しない．あらためて主語とは伝統文法に基づく緩い用語であり，そしてその緩さ加減が適切だからこそ広く用いられているのだということが分かる．

　・ Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008. 295--96.

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■ #5457. 主語をめぐる論点 [subject][terminology][semantics][syntax][logic][existential_sentence][construction][agreement][number][expletive]

　昨日の記事「#5456. 主語とは何か？」 ([2024-04-04-1]) に引き続き，主語 (subject) についての本質的な疑問に迫りたい．この問題を論じるに際し，まず用語辞典などに当たってみるのが良さそうだ．McArthur の項目を引用しよう．主要な論点が見えてくる．

SUBJECT [13c: from Latin subjectum grammatical subject, from subiectus placed close, ranged under]. A traditional term for a major constituent of the sentence. In a binary analysis derived from logic, the sentence is divided into subject and predicate, as in Alan (subject) has married Nita (predicate). In declarative sentences, the subject typically precedes the verb: Alan (subject) has married (verb) Nita (direct object). In interrogative sentences, it typically follows the first or only part of the verb: Did (verb) Alan (subject) marry (verb) Nita (direct object)? The subject can generally be elicited in response to a question that puts who or what before the verb: Who has married Nita?---Alan. Where concord is relevant, the subject determines the number and person of the verb: The student is complaining/The students are complaining; I am tired/He is tired. Many languages have special case forms for words in the subject, the subject requires a particular form (the subjective) in certain pronouns: I (subject) like her, and she (subject) likes me.

Kinds of subject. A distinction is sometimes made between the grammatical subject (as characterized above), the psychological subject, and the logical subject: (1) The psychological subject is the theme or topic of the sentence, what the sentence is about, and the predicate is what is said about the topic. The grammatical and psychological subjects typically coincide, though the identification of the sentence topic is not always clear: Labour and Conservative MPs clashed angrily yesterday over the poll tax. Is the topic of the sentence the MPs or the poll tax? (2) The logical subject refers to the agent of the action; our children is the logical subject in both these sentences, although it is the grammatical subject in only the first: Our children planted the oak sapling; The oak sapling was planted by our children. Many sentences, however, have no agent: Stanley has back trouble; Sheila is a conscientious student; Jenny likes jazz; There's no alternative; It's raining

Pseudo-subjects. The last sentence also illustrates the absence of a psychological subject, since it is obviously not the topic of the sentence. This so-called 'prop it' is a dummy subject, serving merely to fill a structural need in English for a subject in a sentence. In this respect, English contrasts with languages such as Latin, which can omit the subject, as in Veni, vidi, vici (I came, I saw, I conquered: with no need for the Latin pronoun ego, I). Like prop it, 'existential there' in There's no alternative is the grammatical subject of the sentence, but introduces neither the topic nor (since there is no action) the agent.

Non-typical subjects. Subjects are typically noun phrases, but they may also be finite and non-finite clauses: 'That nobody understands me is obvious'; 'To accuse them of negligence was a serious mistake'; 'Looking after the garden takes me several hours a week in the summer.' In such instances, finite and infinitive clauses are commonly post and anticipatory it takes their place in subject position: 'It is obvious that nobody understands me'; 'It was a serious mistake to accuse them of negligence.' Occasionally, prepositional phrases and adverbs function as subjects: 'After lunch is best for me'; 'Gently does it.'

Subjectless sentences. Subjects are usually omitted in imperatives, as in Come here rather than You come here. They are often absent from non-finite clauses ('Identifying the rioters may take us some time') and from verbless clauses ('New filters will be sent to you when available'), and may be omitted in certain contexts, especially in informal notes (Hope to see you soon) and in coordination (The telescope is 43 ft long, weighs almost 11 tonnes, and is more than six years late).

　項目の書き出しは標準的といってよく，おおよそ文法的な観点から主語の概念が導入されている．主部・述部の区別に始まり，主語の統語論的振る舞いや形態論的性質が紹介される．
　次の節では，主語が文法的な観点のみならず心理的，論理的な観点からもとらえられるとして，別のアングルが提供される．心理的な観点からは「テーマ，主題」，論理的な観点からは「動作の行為者」に対応するのが主語なのだと説かれる．現実の文に当てはめてみると，3つの観点からの主語が必ずしも互いに一致しないことが示される．
　続けて，擬似的な主語，いわゆる形式主語やダミーの主語と呼ばれるものが紹介される．そこでは there is の存在文 (existential_sentence) も言及される．この構文では there はテーマではありえないし，動作の行為者でもないので，あくまで文法形式のために要求されている主語とみなすほかない．
　通常，主語は名詞句だが，それ以外の統語カテゴリーも主語として立ちうるという話題が導入されたあと，最後に主語がない（あるいは省略されている）節の例が示される．
　ほかにも様々に論点は挙げられそうだが，今回は手始めにここまで．

　・ McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.

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■ #5456. 主語とは何か？ [subject][terminology][semantics][syntax][logic][existential_sentence][inohota][youtube][voicy][heldio][construction][agreement][number][link]

　3月31日に配信した YouTube 「いのほた言語学チャンネル」の第219回は，「古い文法・新しい文法　There is 構文まるわかり」と題してお話ししています．本チャンネルとしては，この4日間で視聴回数3100回越えとなり，比較的多く視聴されているようです．ありがとうございます．
　There is a book on the desk. のような存在文 (existential_sentence) における there は，意味的には空疎ですが，文法的には主語であるかのような振る舞いを示します．一方，a book は何の役割をはたしているかと問われれば，これこそが主語であると論じることもできます．さらに be 動詞と数の一致を示す点でも，a book のほうが主語らしいのではないかと議論できそうです．
　これまで当たり前のように受け入れてきた主語 (subject) とは，いったい何なのでしょうか．考え始めると頭がぐるぐるしてきます．存在文の主語の問題，および「主語」という用語に関しては，heldio でも取り上げてきました．

　・ 「#1003. There is an apple on the table. --- 主語はどれ？」
　・ 「#1032. なぜ subject が「主語」？ --- 「ゆる言語学ラジオ」からのインスピレーション」

　もちろんこの hellog でも，存在文に関連する話題は以下の記事で取り上げてきました．

　・ 「#1565. existential there の起源 (1)」 ([2013-08-09-1])
　・ 「#1566. existential there の起源 (2)」 ([2013-08-10-1])
　・ 「#4473. 存在文における形式上の主語と意味上の主語」 ([2021-07-26-1])

　主語とは何か？　簡単に解決する問題ではありませんが，ぜひ皆さんにも考えていただければ．

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■ #5452. 英語人名史における by-name と family name の違い [onomastics][personal_name][name_project][terminology][by-name]

　昨日の記事「#5451. 中英語期に英語人名へ姓が導入された背景 (2)」 ([2024-03-30-1]) その他の記事で説明抜きに使ってきた英語人名史上の by-name という用語について，一言述べておきたい．
　現代英語人名の first name, middle name, family name （あるいは last name, surname などとも）の区別はよく知られている．日本語母語話者にとって middle name （中間名）は比較的馴染みが薄いが，family name は「姓」（上の名前），first name は「名」（下の名前）として，対応物があるので理解しやすい．
　一方，英語人名史の文脈において，特に古英語期や中英語期における人名を論じる文脈において使われる by-name は，文字通りには「準ずる名前；2次的な名前」ほどの意味であり，first name だけでは識別力が弱い場合に付け加える補足的な名前をさす．ある意味では by-name は，現代の family name に対応する機能をもっているとはいえる．しかし，歴史的な観点からは，by-name と family name は一応のところ区別しておいたほうがよい．
　この用語の問題について，Clark (567) に耳を傾けよう．

Although this generalised by-naming was what underlay the development of family naming, the two types of system must not be confused; for a by-name works differently from a family name. A by-name is literally descriptive (and therefore often translatable) and, in actual usage, applies only to one specific individual (to say which is not in the least, however, to deny the existence of conventional stocks of such descriptive phrases). It is, therefore, unstable and thus interchangeable with other formulations, as context or even whim might dictate, so that one and the same man might be specified in documents either as 'John son of William' or as 'John the tanner', probably according to whether his inheritance or his trade was in question, and might also perhaps have been known among his cronies as 'John with the beard' . . . . Such literal and shifting descriptions were no more than embryonically onomastic; and some of the more elaborate thirteenth-century formulas, such as Robertus filius Simonis ad crucem de Wytherington, were hardly even that. Yet, by showing how identity was being defined, even these artificial formulas contribute to onomastic history; and they may be supposed to have reflected, albeit distantly, everyday naming practices.

　人の名前という最も身近な言語表現にすら，徐々に形成されてきた歴史があることを銘記しておきたい．

　・ Clark, Cecily. "Onomastics." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Ed. Olga Fischer. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 542--606.

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■ #5437. phonotacitcs 「音素配列論」 [phonotactics][graphotactics][terminology][linguistics][phonology][morphology][linearity]

　一昨日の heldio で「#1018. sch- よもやま話」をお届けした．英語では sch- の綴字が比較的珍しいことなどを話題にしたが，これは文字素配列論 (graphotactics) の問題である．
　この文字素配列論の背後にあるのが音素配列論 (phonotactics) である．各言語における音素の並び順に注目する音韻論の1分野だ．2つの用語辞典より，phonotactics について関連する別の用語とともに紹介したい．まずは，Crystal より．

phonotactics (n.)　　A term used in PHONOLOGY to refer to the sequential ARRANGEMENTS (or tactic behaviour) of phonological UNITS which occur in a language --- what counts as a phonologically well-formed word. In English, for example, CONSONANT sequences such as /fs/ and /spm/ do not occur INITIALLY in a word, and there are many restrictions on the possible consonant+VOWEL combinations which may occur, e.g. /ŋ/ occurs only after some short vowels /ɪ, æ, ʌ, ɒ/. These 'sequential constraints' can be stated in terms of phonotactic rules. Generative phonotactics is the view that no phonological principles can refer to morphological structure; any phonological patterns which are sensitive to morphology (e.g. affixation) are represented only in the morphological component of the grammar, not in the phonology. See also TAXIS.

taxis (n.)　　A general term used in PHONETICS and LINGUISTICS to refer to the systematic arrangements of UNITS in LINEAR SEQUENCE at any linguistic LEVEL. The commonest terms based on this notion are: phonotactics, dealing with the sequential arrangements of sounds; morphotactics with MORPHEMES; and syntactics with higher grammatical units than the morpheme. Some linguistic theories give this dimension of analysis particular importance (e.g. STRATIFICATIONAL grammar, where several levels of tactic organization are recognized, corresponding to the strata set up by the theory, viz. 'hypophonotactics', 'phonotactics', 'morphotactics', 'lexicotactics', 'semotactics' and 'hypersemotactics'). See also HARMONIC PHONOLOGY.

　次に Bussmann より．

phonotactics　　Study of the sound and phoneme combinations allowed in a given language. Every language has specific phonotactic rules that describe the way in which phonemes can be combined in different positions (initial, medial, and final). For example, in English the stop + fricative cluster /ɡz/ can only occur in medial (exhaust) or final (legs), but not in initial position, and /h/ can only occur before, never after, a vowel. The restrictions are partly language-specific and partly universal.

　言語は，その線状性 (linearity) ゆえに要素の並び順，組み合わせ方を重視せざるを得ない．その点では，音素配列論に限らず -tactics は必然的に言語学的な意義をもつ領域だろう．また，--tactics が通時的に変化し得ることも歴史言語学では重要な点である．

　・ Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008. 295--96.
　・ Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.

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■ #5429. OED でみる言語学の術語としての mora [syllable][japanese][mora][phonology][prosody][terminology][oed]

　「#4621. モーラ --- 日本語からの一般音韻論への貢献」 ([2021-12-21-1]) で，日本語の音韻論上の単位としてモーラ (mora) の術語を導入した McCawley (1968) に触れた（Daniels, p. 63 を参照）．
　McCawley は日本語の音韻論に mora の術語を導入した点でオリジナルだったものの，mora という概念を言語学に持ち込んだ最初の人ではない．OED の mora, NOUN¹ によると，語義 3.b. が言語学用語としての mora であり，初出は1933年とある．以下にこの語義の項を引用する．

3.b. Linguistics. The smallest or basic unit of duration of a speech sound. 1933-

1933 In dealing with matters of quantity, it is often convenient to set up an arbitrary unit of relative duration, the mora. Thus, if we say that a short vowel lasts one mora, we may describe the long vowels of the same language as lasting, say, one and one-half morae or two morae. (L. Bloomfield, Language vii. 110)
1941 In many cases it will be found that an element smaller than the phonetic syllable functions as the accentual or prosodic unit; this unit may be called, following current practice, the mora... The term mora..is useful in avoiding confusion, even if it should turn out to mean merely phonemic syllable. (G. L. Trager in L. Spier et al., Language Culture & Personality 136)
1964 Each of the segments characterized by one of the successive punctual tones is called a mora. (E. Palmer, translation of A. Martinet, Elements of General Linguistics iii. 80)
1988 The terms 'bimoric' and 'trimoric' relate to the idea that these long vowels consist of two, respectively three, 'moras' or units of length, rather than the single 'mora' of short vowels. (Transactions of Philological Society vol. 86 137)

　McCawley が引用されていないのが残念である．いずれにせよ，mora が，権威ある辞書であるとはいえ専門辞書ではない OED で単純に定義できるほど易しい概念ではないもののようだ．関連して以下の記事も参照．

　・ 「#4624. 日本語のモーラ感覚」 ([2021-12-24-1])
　・ 「#4853. 音節とモーラ」 ([2022-08-10-1])

　・ Daniels, Peter T. "The History of Writing as a History of Linguistics." Chapter 2 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 53--69.
　・ McCawley, James D. The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton, 1968.

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■ #5419. blending と contamination [blend][contamination][morphology][word_formation][terminology]

　smoke と fog を掛け合わせた smog は，混成 (blending) と呼ばれる語形成によって生まれた混成語 (blend) の典型である．
　一方，これと似た語形成のタイプとして混交 (contamination) がある．ラテン語 gravis （重い）が対義語の levis （軽い）の語形に影響されて，俗ラテン語で grevis へ変化したという例が挙げられる．また，混交には形態的な例だけでなく統語的な例も含まれる．例えば different from と other than が混じり合って different than が出力される事例がある．類例は「#630. blend(ing) あるいは portmanteau word の呼称」 ([2011-01-17-1]) や「#737. 構文の contamination」 ([2011-05-04-1]) で取り上げたので，そちらも参照されたい．
　blending と contamination は，2つの要素の混じり合いに基づく過程としてよく似ている．実際，両者を特に区別しない研究者もいる．上記で私自身も2つの用語の和訳を「混成」と「混交」と異ならせてはみたが，各々の慣用的な訳語というわけではなく，あくまで英語での異なる用語遣いに沿わせてみたにすぎない．
　では，両者を区別する研究者は，どこで区別しているのだろうか．この点について Fertig (62) を引用する．

The terms contamination and blending were introduced by different scholars (Hermann Paul and Henry Sweet, respectively) in the late nineteenth century to refer to roughly the same range of phenomena. Many historical linguists, if they use both terms at all, have continued to use them more or less interchangeably . . . , whereas most morphologists use blend(ing) to refer only to the type of deliberate creation of new lexical items illustrated by smog.

　Fertig 自身は blend(ing) は contamination の1種とみなしており，次のように説明している．

I classify blends as a subtype of contamination. Exactly where to draw the line is tricky, but a prototypical blend has the following properties: (1) it is lexical, i.e. both the input forms and the product are words (rather than phrases or bound morphemes); (2) it is a deliberate creation; (3) the input words both (or all) contribute to the meaning of the blend.

　このように解釈してもなおグレーゾーンの事例はあるようだが，一応のところ両者を区別して理解しておきたいと思う．

　・ Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

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■ #5390. 印欧語における word, root, stem, theme, ending [morphology][indo-european][germanic][comparative_linguistics][reconstruction][terminology][inflection][oe]

　どの学問分野でもよくあることだが，印欧語比較言語学においても専門家にしか通じない類いの術語は多い．標題に掲げた形態論上の用語がその典型だろう．関連する話題は「#700. 語，形態素，接辞，語根，語幹，複合語，基体」 ([2011-03-28-1]) で取り上げたが，そこで挙げたもの以上に特化した学術用語という感がある．
　それぞれ word 「語」, root 「語根」, stem 「語幹」, theme 「語幹形成素」, ending 「語尾」と訳せるが，訳が与えられただけで理解が深まるわけでもない．これらは印欧祖語における以下の形態論的分析が前提となっている．

　                 ┌─ ROOT
       ┌─ STEM ─┤
       │          └─ THEME
WORD ─┤
       │
       └─────── ENDING

　ROOT は語彙的意味を担う部分である．THEME はもとは何らかの文法的機能を担っていた可能性があるが，すでに印欧祖語の段階において，意味を担わない純粋な語幹形成要素として機能していた．直後の屈折語尾を形成する ENDING への「つなぎ」と考えておけばよい．ROOT + THEME が STEM となり，それに ENDING が付加されて，具体的な WORD の語形となる．
　例えば「馬」を意味するラテン語の単数主格形 equus は equ (ROOT) + u (THEME) + s (ENDING) と分析され，同じくギリシア語の hippos は hipp (ROOT) + o (THEME) + s (ENDING) と分析される．
　古英語以降の比較的新しい段階にあっては，印欧祖語における上記の形態的区分はすでに透明性を欠き，ROOT, THEME, ENDING が互いに融合してしまっていることも多い．したがって，上記の前提は厳密にいえば共時的な分析には不向きだ．しかし，通時的・歴史的には有意味であるし，比較言語学の分野における慣習的な前提となっているために，古英語文法の文脈でも（ほとんど説明がなされないままに）前提とされていることが多い．
　なお，THEME には母音幹と子音幹があり，ゲルマン祖語や古英語の名詞論において，前者は「強変化名詞」，後者は「弱変化名詞」と通称される．THEME を欠く "athematic" なる語類も存在するので注意を要する．
　以上，Lass (123--26) を参照して執筆した．

　・ Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.

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■ #5383. 5種類の語彙化 [lexicalisation][grammaticalisation][terminology]

　この2日間の記事で文法化 (grammaticalisation) の特徴に注目してきた．しばしば，それと対比して語彙化 (lexicalisation) という現象や用語が話題とされる．確かに，言語学の常識では文法と語彙は異なる2つの部門であり，互いに異なる規則が働いていることが前提とされてきたので，文法化に対して語彙化が論じられるのは自然なのかもしれない．
　しかし，よく比較対照してみると，文法化と語彙化とは必ずしも互いに反対向きの過程ではないということがわかる．確かに対立する側面もあるが，むしろ似ている側面もあるということが分かってきたのだ．
　大雑把にいえば，語彙化とは，さほど語彙的でなかったものが語彙的な性質を帯びてくる過程といってよいが，中を覗いてみると，なかなか複雑なようである．Bauer (50--61) が語彙化の5つのパターンについて論じてりう．それを手際よく要約した Wischer (358) より，関連する1節を引用したい．

   As several mechanisms are involved in the process of lexicalization, not necessarily proceeding simultaneously, Bauer (1983: 50--61) distinguishes between different "types of lexicalization":
1. Changes of stress patterns and/or phonetic reductions are features of "phonological lexicalization" (cf. famous [ˈfeɪməs] -- infamous [ˈinfəməs]).
2. Linking elements and/or non-productive roots or affixes are features of "morphological lexicalization" (cf. eat -- edible).
3. Lack of semantic compositionality is a feature of "semantic lexicalization" (cf. understand).
4. Non-productive syntactic patterns and/or unusual functions of syntactic patterns are features of "syntactic lexicalization" (cf. pickpocket).
5. Many examples are "mixed lexicalizations", which can lead to a complete demotivation, so that the results have to be treated as simplex lexemes (cf. husband).

　ある言語項が語彙的になるとは，要するに言語体系のなかで自立した1単語となるということである．文法規則に縛られず，独自の振る舞いをする単位として許されるようになることである．言語界における自立と独立の問題 --- きわめておもしろい話題ではないか．

　・ Wischer, Ilse. "Grammaticalization versus Lexicalization: 'Methinks' there is some confusion." Pathways of Change: Grammaticalization in English. Ed. Olga Fischer, Anette Rosenbach, and Dieter Stein. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2000. 355--70.
　・ Bauer, Laurie. English Word-Formation. Cambridge: CUP, 1983.

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■ #5368. ethnonym （民族名） [demonym][onomastics][toponymy][personal_name][name_project][ethnonym][terminology][toc][ethnic_group][race][religion][geography]

　民族名，国名，言語名はお互いに関連が深い，これらの（固有）名詞は名前学 (onomastics) では demonym や ethnonym と呼ばれているが，目下少しずつ読み続けている名前学のハンドブックでは後者の呼称が用いられている．
　ハンドブックの第17章，Koopman による "Ethnonyms" の冒頭では，この用語の定義の難しさが吐露される．何をもって "ethnic group" （民族）とするかは文化人類学上の大問題であり，それが当然ながら ethnonym という用語にも飛び火するからだ．その難しさは認識しつつグイグイ読み進めていくと，どんどん解説と議論がおもしろくなっていく．節以下のレベルの見出しを挙げていけば次のようになる．

　17.1 Introduction
　17.2 Ethnonyms and Race
　17.3 Ethnonyms, Nationality, and Geographical Area
　17.4 Ethnonyms and Language
　17.5 Ethnonyms and Religion
　17.6 Ethnonyms, Clans, and Surnames
　17.7 Variations of Ethnonyms
　　　17.7.1 Morphological Variations
　　　17.7.2 Endonymic and Exonymic Forms of Ethnonyms
　17.8 Alternative Ethnonyms
　17.9 Derogatory Ethnonyms
　17.10 'Non-Ethnonyms' and 'Ethnonymic Gaps'
　17.11 Summary and Conclusion

　最後の "Summary and Conclusion" を引用し，この分野の魅力を垣間見ておこう．

In this chapter I have tried to show that while 'ethnonym' is a commonly used term among onomastic scholars, not all regard ethnonyms as proper names. This anomalous status is linked to uncertainties about defining the entity which is named with an ethnonym, with (for example) terms like 'race' and 'ethnic group' being at times synonymous, and at other times part of each other's set of defining elements. Together with 'race' and 'ethnicity', other defining elements have included language, nationality, religion, geographical area, and culture. The links between ethnonyms and some of these elements, such as religion, are both complex and debatable; while other links, such as between ethnonyms and language, and ethnonyms and nationality, produce intriguing onomastic dynamics. Ethnonyms display the same kind of variations and alternatives as can be found for personal names and place-names: morpho-syntactic variations, endonymic and exonymic forms, and alternative names for the same ethnic entity, generally regarded as falling into the general spectrum of nicknames. Examples have been given of the interface between ethnonyms, personal names, toponyms, and glossonyms.
   In conclusion, although ethnonyms have an anomalous status among onomastic scholars, they display the same kinds of linguistic, social, and cultural characteristics as proper names generally.

　「民族」周辺の用語と定義の難しさについては以下の記事も参照．

　・ 「#1871. 言語と人種」 ([2014-06-11-1])
　・ 「#3599. 言語と人種 (2)」 ([2019-03-05-1])
　・ 「#3706. 民族と人種」 ([2019-06-20-1])
　・ 「#3810. 社会的な構築物としての「人種」」 ([2019-10-02-1])

　また，ethnonym のおもしろさについては，関連記事「#5118. Japan-ese の語尾を深掘りする by khelf 新会長」 ([2023-05-02-1]) も参照されたい．

　・ Koopman, Adrian. "Ethnonyms." Chapter 17 of The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming. Ed. Carole Hough. Oxford: OUP, 2016. 251--62.

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■ #5351. OED の解説でみる併置総合 parasynthesis と parasynthetic [terminology][morphology][word_formation][compound][compounding][derivation][suffix][parasynthesis][adjective][participle][noun][oed]

　「#5348. the green-eyed monster にみられる名詞を形容詞化する接尾辞 -ed」 ([2023-12-18-1]) の記事で，併置総合 (parasynthesis) という術語を導入した．
　OED の定義によると "Derivation from a compound; word-formation involving both compounding and derivation." とある．対応する形容詞 parasynthetic とともに，ギリシア語の強勢に関する本のなかで1862年に初出している．OED では形容詞 parasynthetic の項目のほうが解説が詳しいので，そちらから定義，解説，例文を引用する．

Formed from a combination or compound of two or more elements; formed by a process of both compounding and derivation.

In English grammar applied to compounds one of whose elements includes an affix which relates in meaning to the whole compound; e.g. black-eyed 'having black eyes' where the suffix of the second element, -ed (denoting 'having'), applies to the whole, not merely to the second element. In French grammar applied to derived verbs formed by the addition of both a prefix and a suffix.

1862 It is said that synthesis does, and parasynthesis does not affect the accent; which is really tantamount to saying, that when the accent of a word is known..we shall be able to judge whether a Greek grammarian regarded that word as a synthetic or parasynthetic compound. (H. W. Chandler, Greek Accentuation Preface xii)

1884 That species of word-creation commonly designated as parasynthetic covers an extensive part of the Romance field. (A. M. Elliot in American Journal of Philology July 187)

1934 Twenty-three..of the compound words present..are parasynthetic formations such as 'black-haired', 'hard-hearted'. (Review of English Studies vol. 10 279)

1951 Such verbs are very commonly parasynthetic, taking one of the prefixes ad-, ex-, in-. (Language vol. 27 137)

1999 Though broad-based is two centuries old, zero-based took off around 1970 and missile lingo gave us land-based, sea-based and space-based. A discussion of this particular parasynthetic derivative is based-based. (New York Times (Nexis) 27 June vi. 16/2)

　研究対象となる言語に応じて parasynthetic/parasynthesis の指す語形成過程が異なるという事情があるようで，その点では要注意の術語である．英語では接尾辞 -ed が参与する parasynthesis が，その典型例として挙げられることが多いようだ．ただし，-ed parasynthesis に限定して考察するにせよ，いろいろなパターンがありそうで，形態論的にはさらに細分化する必要があるだろう．

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■ #5348. the green-eyed monster にみられる名詞を形容詞化する接尾辞 -ed [terminology][morphology][word_formation][compound][compounding][derivation][suffix][shakespeare][personification][metaphor][conversion][parasynthesis][adjective][participle][noun]

　khelf（慶應英語史フォーラム）内で運営している Discord コミュニティにて，標題に掲げた the green-eyed monster （緑の目をした怪物）のような句における -ed について疑問が寄せられた．動詞の過去分詞の -ed のようにみえるが，名詞についているというのはどういうことか．おもしろい話題で何件かコメントも付されていたので，私自身も調べ始めているところである．
　論点はいろいろあるが，まず問題の表現に関連して最初に押さえておきたい形態論上の用語を紹介したい．併置総合 (parasynthesis) である．『新英語学辞典』より解説を読んでみよう．

　parasynthesis 〔言〕（併置総合）　　　語形成に当たって（合成と派生・転換というように）二つの造語手法が一度に行なわれること．例えば，extraterritorial は extra-territorial とも，(extra-territory)-al とも分析できない．分析すれば extra+territory+-al である．同様に intramuscular も intra+muscle+-ar である．合成語 baby-sitter (= one who sits with the baby) も baby+sit+-er の同時結合と考え，併置総合合成語 (parasynthetic compound) ということができる．また blockhead （ばか），pickpocket （すり）も，もし主要語 -head, pick- が転換によって「人」を示すとすれば，これも併置総合合成語ということができある．

　上記では green-eyed のタイプは例示されていないが，これも併置総合合成語の1例といってよい．a double-edged sword （両刃の剣）, a four-footed animal （四つ脚の動物）, middle-aged spread （中年太り）など用例には事欠かない．
　なお the green-eyed monster は言わずと知れた Shakespeare の Othello (3.3.166) からの句である．green-eyed も the green-eyed monster もいずれも Shakespeare が生み出した表現で，以降「嫉妬」の擬人化の表現として広く用いられるようになった．
　今後もこのタイプの併置総合について考えていきたい．

　・ 大塚 高信，中島 文雄（監修）　『新英語学辞典』　研究社，1982年．

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■ #5343. onomastics （名前学）の対象と射程 --- Bussmann の用語辞典より [name_project][terminology][onomastics][personal_name][toponymy][hydronymy]

　「名前プロジェクト」 (name_project) を立ち上げた関係で，onomastics （名前学，固有名詞学）をつまみ食いしながら学んでいる．今回は Bussmann の言語学用語辞典より onomastics の項を引いてみた．以下に引用し，この分野の概要をつかんでおきたい．

onomastics
Scientific investigation of the origin (development, age, etymology), the meaning, and the geographic distribution of names (⇒ proper noun). Onomastic subdisciplines include anthroponymy (the study of names of bodies of water), and toponymy (the study of geographic place-names), among others. Because place-names and personal names are among the oldest and most transparent linguistic forms, they are an important source of hypotheses about the history of language, dialect geography and language families. More recently, sociolinguistics (name-giving and use in society), psycholinguistics (psycho-onomastics and the physiognomy of names), pragmalinguistics and text linguistics have taken an active interest in onomastics. Onomastics also offers new insights into historical processes (pre- and early history, folklore, among others) as well as geography and natural history.

　上記の引用のなかの "the physiognomy of names" 「名前の人相学」などの存在には驚く．何を研究する分野なのだろうか？　名前にまつわる音形とイメージの符合や，漢字名の画数の問題なども含まれるのだろうかなどと妄想が止まらない．
　名前学の射程が広いことは「#5187. 固有名詞学のハンドブック」 ([2023-07-10-1]) や「#5339. 英語人名学の守備範囲とトレンド」 ([2023-12-09-1]) で触れてきた通りだが，ポテンシャルはまだまだ拡がっていきそうだ．

　・ Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.

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■ #5342. 切り取り (clipping) による語形成の類型論 [word_formation][shortening][abbreviation][clipping][terminology][polysemy][homonymy][morphology][typology][apostrophe][hypocorism][name_project][onomastics][personal_name][australian_english][new_zealand_english][emode][ame_bre]

　語形成としての切り取り (clipping) については，多くの記事で取り上げてきた．とりわけ形態論の立場から「#893. shortening の分類 (1)」 ([2011-10-07-1]) で詳しく紹介した．
　先日12月8日の Voicy 「英語の語源が身につくラジオ」 (heldio) の配信回にて「#921. 2023年の英単語はコレ --- rizz」と題して，clipping による造語とおぼしき最新の事例を取り上げた．

　この配信回では，2023年の Oxford Word of the Year が rizz に決定したというニュースを受け，これが charisma の clipping による短縮形であることを前提として charisma の語源を紹介した．
　rizz が charisma の clipping による語形成であることを受け入れるとして，もとの単語の語頭でも語末でもなく真ん中部分が切り出された短縮語である点は特筆に値する．このような語形成は，それほど多くないと見込まれるからだ．「#893. shortening の分類 (1)」 ([2011-10-07-1]) の "Mesonym" で取り上げたように，例がないわけではないが，やはり珍しいには違いない．以下の解説によると "fore-and-aft clipping" と呼んでもよい．
　heldio のリスナーからも関連するコメント・質問が寄せられたので，この問題と関連して McArthur の英語学用語辞典より "clipping" を引用しておきたい (223--24) ．

CLIPPING [1930s in this sense]. Also clipped form, clipped word, shortening. An abbreviation formed by the loss of word elements, usually syllabic: pro from professional, tec from detective. The process is attested from the 16c (coz from cousin 1559, gent from gentleman 1564); in the early 18c, Swift objected to the reduction of Latin mobile vulgus (the fickle throng) to mob. Clippings can be either selective, relating to one sense of a word only (condo is short for condominium when it refers to accommodation, not to joint sovereignty), or polysemic (rev stands for either revenue or revision, and revs for the revolutions of wheels). There are three kinds of clipping:

(1) Back-clippings, in which an element or elements are taken from the end of a word: ad(vertisement), chimp(anzee), deli(catessen), hippo(potamus), lab(oratory), piano(forte), reg(ulation)s. Back-clipping is common with diminutives formed from personal names Cath(erine) Will(iam). Clippings of names often undergo adaptations: Catherine to the pet forms Cathie, Kate, Katie, William to Willie, Bill, Billy. Sometimes, a clipped name can develop a new sense: willie a euphemism for penis, billy a club or a male goat. Occasionally, the process can be humorously reversed: for example, offering in a British restaurant to pay the william.
(2) Fore-clippings, in which an element or elements are taken from the beginning of a word: ham(burger), omni(bus), violon(cello), heli(copter), alli(gator), tele(phone), earth(quake). They also occur with personal names, sometimes with adaptations: Becky for Rebecca, Drew for Andrew, Ginny for Virginia. At the turn of the century, a fore-clipped word was usually given an opening apostrophe, to mark the loss: 'phone, 'cello, 'gator. This practice is now rare.
(3) Fore-and-aft clippings, in which elements are taken from the beginning and end of a word: in(flu)enza, de(tec)tive. This is commonest with longer personal names: Lex from Alexander, Liz from Elizabeth. Such names often demonstrate the versatility of hypocoristic clippings: Alex, Alec, Lex, Sandy, Zander; Eliza, Liz, Liza, Lizzie, Bess, Betsy, Beth, Betty.

Clippings are not necessarily uniform throughout a language: mathematics becomes maths in BrE and math in AmE. Reverend as a title is usually shortened to Rev or Rev., but is Revd in the house style of Oxford University Press. Back-clippings with -ie and -o are common in AusE and NZE: arvo afternoon, journo journalist. Sometimes clippings become distinct words far removed from the applications of the original full forms: fan in fan club is from fanatic; BrE navvy, a general labourer, is from a 19c use of navigator, the digger of a 'navigation' or canal. . . .

　・ McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.

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■ #5336. Fertig による analogy の本格的研究書の目次 [analogy][toc][terminology][voicy][heldio]

　言語変化の説明原理の1つ analogy （類推作用）については，本ブログでも多くの記事を書いてきた．言語学史上，analogy は軽視されてきたきらいがある．規則的とされる音変化に対し，その規則から外れる例外事項は analogy という「ゴミ箱」に投げ捨てられてきた経緯がある．ここには，analogy が言語変化の説明原理としてある意味で強力すぎるという点も関係しているのかもしれない．analogy のこのような日陰者ぶりについては，hellog 「#1154. 言語変化のゴミ箱としての analogy」 ([2012-06-24-1]) や Voicy heldio 「#911. アナロジーは言語変化のゴミ箱！？」も参照されたい．
　このような言語学史上の事情により，言語変化における analogy に真正面から切り込んだ研究書は多くない．そのなかでも本格派といえるのが，本ブログでも何度か参照してきた David Fertig による Analogy and Morphological Change (Edinburgh UP, 2013) である．本格派であることは，以下に掲げる目次の細かさからも伝わるのではないか．analogy でここまで語れるとは！

1 Fundamental Concepts and Issues
　　1.1 Introduction
　　1.2 Essential Historical Background: Hermann Paul and the Neogrammarian Period
　　1.3 Preliminary (Narrow) Definitions
　　1.4 Conceptual and Terminological Fundamentals
　　　　1.4.1 The term 'analogy'
　　　　1.4.2 Analogy vs. analogical innovation/change
　　　　1.4.3 Speaker-oriented approaches
　　　　1.4.4 Change vs. diachronic correspondence
　　　　1.4.5 Innovation vs. change
　　　　1.4.6 Defining historical linguistics
　　1.5 Clarifying the Definition of Analogical Innovation/Change
　　　　1.5.1 Narrow vs. broad definitions of analogical innovation
　　　　1.5.2 Toward a more adequate definition of analogical innovation/change
　　　　1.5.3 Some other definitions
　　1.6 Analogical Change as Opposed to What?
　　　　1.6.1 Analogy vs. reanalysis
　　　　1.6.2 Analogy₂ and sound change
　　　　1.6.3 ₂ and language contact
　　　　1.6.4 Changes attributable to extra-grammatical factors
　　　　1.6.5 What about grammaticalization?
　　1.7 Proportions and Proportional Equations
　　1.8 Why Study Analogy and Morphological Change?

2 Basic Mechanisms of Morphological Change
　　2.1 Introduction
　　2.2 Defining (Re)analysis
　　2.3 Associative Interference
　　2.4 (Re)analysis, Analogy₂ and Grammatical Change
　　　　2.4.1 history, synchrony, diachrony, panchrony
　　　　2.4.2 'Language change is grammar change'?
　　　　2.4.3 The role of transmission/acquisition in grammatical innovation
　　　　2.4.4 The relationship of analogical innovation to grammatical change in static and dynamic models of mental grammar
　　2.5 Types of Morphological Reanalysis
　　　　2.5.1 D-reanalysis
　　　　2.5.2 C-reanalysis
　　　　2.5.3 B-reanalysis
　　　　2.5.4 A-reanalysis
　　　　2.5.5 Summary of A-, B-, C- and D-reanalysis
　　　　2.5.6 Exaptation
　　2.6 Chapter Summary

3 Types of Analogical Change, Part 1: Introduction and Proportional Change
　　3.1 Introduction
　　3.2 Outcome-Based vs. Motivation-Based Classifications
　　3.3 Terminology and Terminological Confusion
　　3.4 Proportional vs. Non-Proportional Analogy
　　3.5 Morphological vs. Morphophonological Change
　　3.6 A Critical Overview of Traditional Subtypes of Proportional Change
　　　　3.6.1 Four-part analogy
　　　　3.6.2 Extension
　　　　3.6.3 Backformation
　　　　3.6.4 Regularization and irregularization
　　　　3.6.5 Item-by-item vs. across-the-board change

4 Types of Analogical Change, Part 2: Non-Proportional Change
　　4.1 Introduction
　　4.2 Folk Etymology
　　4.3 Confusion of Similar-Sounding Words
　　4.4 Contamination and Blends
　　　　4.4.1 Contamination
　　　　4.4.2 Double marking of grammatical categories
　　　　4.4.3 Blends and related phenomena

5 Types of Analogical Change, Part 3: Problems and Puzzles
　　5.1 A Problem Child for Classification Schemes: Paradigm Leveling
　　5.2 Analogical Non-Change
　　5.3 Phantom Analogy
　　　　5.3.1 'Regularization is much more common than irregularization': a case study in circular reasoning
　　5.4 Summary of Types of Analogical Change (Chapters 3--5)

6 Analogical Change beyond Morphology
　　6.1 Introduction
　　6.2 Syntactic Change
　　6.3 Lexical (Semantic) Change
　　6.4 Morphophonological Change
　　6.5 Phonological Change
　　6.6 Regular Sound Change as Analogy
　　6.7 The Interaction of Analogy₂ and Sound Change
　　　　6.7.1 Sturtevant's so-called paradox
　　　　6.7.2 'Therapy, not Prophylaxis'
　　6.8 Chapter Summary

7 Constraints on Analogical Innovation and Change
　　7.1 Introduction
　　7.2 Predictability and Directionality
　　7.3 Constraints on the Interparadigmatic Direction of Change
　　　　7.3.1 Analogical change as 'optimization'
　　　　7.3.2 Formal simplification/optimization of the grammar
　　　　7.3.3 Preference theories
　　　　7.3.4 System-independent constraints
　　　　7.3.5 System-dependent constraints
　　　　7.3.6 Analogical extension of patterns with initially low type frequency
　　　　7.3.7 System-dependent naturalness vs. formal simplicity/optimality
　　　　7.3.8 Universal preferences and 'evolutionary' grammatical theory
　　7.4 Constraints on the Intraparadigmatic Direction of Change
　　7.5 Token Frequency
　　7.6 Teleology
　　7.7 Chapter Summary

8 Morphological Change and Morphological Theory
　　8.1 Introduction
　　8.2 Grammatical Theory and Acquisition
　　8.3 The Nature and Significance of Linguistic Universals
　　8.4 Static vs. Dynamic conceptions of Grammar
　　8.5 Exemplar-Based vs. Rule-Based Models
　　8.6 Analogy vs. Rules
　　　　8.6.1 Dual-mechanism models
　　8.7 Rules vs. Constraints
　　8.8 Syntagmatic/Compositional vs. Paradigmatic/Configurational Approaches to Morphology
　　　　8.8.1 Asymmetric vs. symmetric paradigmatic models
　　　　8.8.2 Paul's proportional model
　　8.9 Chapter Summary
　　
　　References
　　Index

　・ Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

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■ #5328. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (5) [terminology][diglossia][bilingualism][sociolinguistics][hel_education][me][french][latin][prestige]

　専門用語をじっくり考えるシリーズ．diglossia （二言語変種使い分け）も第5弾となる．これまでの「#5306. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (1)」 ([2023-11-06-1])，「#5311. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (2)」 ([2023-11-11-1])，「#5315. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (3)」 ([2023-11-15-1])，「#5326. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (4)」 ([2023-11-26-1]) と比べながら，今回は Pearce の英語学用語辞典を参照する (143--44) ．"diglossia" に当たると "polyglossia" の項目を見よとあり，ある意味で野心的である．

Polyglossia A situation in which two or more languages exist side by side in a multilingual society, but are used for different purposes. Typically, one of the languages (usually labelled the 'H' or 'high' variety) has greater prestige than the others, and is used in formal, public contexts such as education and administration. The other languages in a polyglossic situation (usually labelled the 'L' or 'low' varieties) tend to be used in informal, private contexts (and also in popular culture). England was a triglossic society, with English as the 'L' variety, and French and Latin as 'H' varieties. As French died out, England became diglossic in English and Latin (which was maintained as the language of education and the Church).

　最後に英語史における triglossia と diglossia （そして polyglossia）が言及されているのは，さすが「英語学」用語辞典である．英語史における polyglossia を論じる際には，このように中英語期の言語事情が持ち出されることが多いが，この場合に1つ注意が必要である．
　このような議論では，中英語期のイングランドが triglossia の社会としてとらえられることが多いが，英語，フランス語，ラテン語の3言語のすべてを扱えるのは，ピラミッドの最上層を構成する一部の宗教的・知的エリートのみである．英語とフランス語の2言語の使い手となれば，もう少しピラミッドの下方まで下がるが，とうていピラミッドの全体には及ばない．つまり，中英語期イングランド社会の3層構造のピラミッドを指して，ゆるく triglossia や diglossia ということができたとしても，イングランド社会の構成員の全員（あるいは大多数）が，複数言語を操るわけではないということだ．むしろ，英語のみを操るモノリンガルが圧倒的多数を占めるということは銘記しておいてよい．
　ここで思い出したいのは，典型的な diglossia 社会の状況である．それによると，とりわけ H 変種の習得の程度については程度の差はあるとはいえ，当該社会の全員（あるいは大多数）が L と H のいずれの言語変種をも話せるというが前提だった．スイス・ドイツ語と標準ドイツ語，口語アラビア語と古典アラビア語，ハイチクレオール語とフランス語等々の例が挙げられてきた．
　この典型的な diglossia 社会に照らすと，中英語期イングランドは本当に diglossia/triglossia と呼んでよいのだろうかという疑問が湧く．緩い用語使いは，diglossia という概念の活用の益となるのか害となるのか，この辺りが私の問題意識である．

　・ Pearce, Michael. The Routledge Dictionary of English Language Studies. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007.

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■ #5326. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (4) [terminology][diglossia][bilingualism][sociolinguistics][hel_education][vernacular][prestige]

　「#5306. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (1)」 ([2023-11-06-1])，「#5311. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (2)」 ([2023-11-11-1])，「#5315. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (3)」 ([2023-11-15-1]) に続き，diglossia （二言語変種使い分け）の様々な解説を読み比べるシリーズ．今回は歴史言語学の用語辞典より当該項目を引用する (45--46) ．

diglossia The situation in which a speech community has two or more varieties of the same language used by speakers under different conditions, characterized by certain traits (attributes) usually with one variety considered 'higher' and another variety 'lower'. Well-known examples are the high and low variants in Arabic, Modern Greek, Swiss German and Haitian Creole. Arabic diglossia is very old, stemming from the difference in the classical literary of the language of the Qur'an, on one side, and the modern colloquial varieties, on the other side. These languages just names have a superposed, high variety and a vernacular, lower variety, and each languages (sic) has names for their high and low varieties, which are specialized in their functions and most occur in mutually exclusive situations. To learn the languages properly, one must know when it is appropriate to use the high and when the low variety forms. Typically, the attitude is that the high variety is the proper, true form of the language, and the low variety is wrong or does not even exist. Often the feeling that the high variety is superior derives from its use within a religion, since often the high language is represented in a body of sacred texts or esteemed literature. Diglossia is associated with the American linguist Charles A. Ferguson. Sometimes, following Joshua Fishman, diglossia is extended to situations not of high and low variants of the same language, but to multilingual situations in which different languages are used in different domains, for example, English is regarded as 'high' in areas of India and of Africa and local languages as 'low' or vernacular. This usage for diglossia in multilingual situations is resisted by some scholars.

　上記より2点指摘したい．H と L の2言語変種がある場合に，当該の言語共同体内部では，H こそが真の言語であり，L はブロークンで不完全な変種とみなされやすいというのは，ダイグロシア問題の肝である．共同体の成員にとって，H には権威の感覚が強く付随しているのだ．
　もう1つは，最後に言及されているように，典型的に英米の旧植民地の言語社会において，英語が高位変種として，現地語 (vernacular) が下位変種として用いられている場合，これを diglossia を呼べそうではあるが，この用語の使い方に異論を唱える研究者がいるという事実である．diglossia 問題は，いったい何の問題なのだろうか？

　・ Campbell, Lyle and Mauricio J. Mixco, eds. A Glossary of Historical Linguistics. Salt Lake City: U of Utah P, 2007.

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■ #5315. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (3) [terminology][diglossia][bilingualism][sociolinguistics][hel_education][greek]

　「#5306. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (1)」 ([2023-11-06-1])，「#5311. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (2)」 ([2023-11-11-1]) に引き続き，diglossia （二言語変種使い分け）を考える．今回は Crystal の用語辞典より当該項目の解説を引く．

diglossia (n.) A term used in SOCIOLINGUISTICS to refer to a situation where two very different VARIETIES of a LANGUAGE CO-OCCUR throughout a SPEECH community, each with a distinct range of social function. Both varieties are STANDARDIZED to some degree, are felt to be alternatives by NATIVE-SPEAKERS and usually have special names. Sociolinguists usually talk in terms of a high (H) variety and a low (L) variety, corresponding broadly to a difference in FORMALITY: the high variety is learnt in school and tends to be used in church, on radio programmes, in serious literature, etc., and as a consequence has greater social prestige; the low variety tends to be used in family conversations, and other relatively informal settings. Diglossic situations may be found, for example, in Greek (High: Katharevousa; Low: Dhimotiki), Arabic (High: Classical; Low: Colloquial), and some varieties of German (H: Hochdeutsch; L: Schweizerdeutsch, in Switzerland). A situation where three varieties or languages are used with distinct functions within a community is called triglossia. An example of a triglossic situation is the use of French, Classical Arabic and Colloquial Tunisian Arabic in Tunisia, the first two being rated H and the Last L.

　典型的な事例としてアラビア語や（スイス）ドイツ語に加えて，ギリシア語の Katharevusa （古代ギリシャ語に範を取った文語体）と Dhimotiki （自然発達した通俗体）を挙げているのは貴重である（cf. 「#1454. ギリシャ語派（印欧語族）」 ([2013-04-20-1])）．
　複数の用語辞典の記述を比べると，その用語・概念について何が広く共有されている中核的な情報なのかを確認できるし，逆に特定の辞典にしか挙げられていない事例や学説を集めていくことによって，周辺知識をもれなく拾うことができる．辞典も辞書も複数引くことを原則としたい．

　・ Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008. 295--96.

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■ #5311. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (2) [terminology][diglossia][bilingualism][sociolinguistics][hel_education][singapore_english][world_englishes]

　「#5306. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (1)」 ([2023-11-06-1]) に引き続き，diglossia （二言語変種使い分け）を理解するために別の用語辞典に当たってみよう．今回は McArthur の用語辞典より当該項目 (312--13) を読む．

DIGLOSSIA [1958: a Latinization of French diglossie, from Greek díglōssos with two tongues: first used in English by Charles Ferguson]. A term in sociolinguistics for the use of two or more varieties of language for different purposes in the same community. The varieties are called H and L, the first being generally a standard variety used for 'high' purposes and the second often a 'low' spoken vernacular. In Egypt, classical Arabic is H and local colloquial Arabic is L. The most important hallmark of diglossia is specialization, H being appropriate in one set of situations, L in another: reading a newspaper aloud in H, but discussing its contents in L. Functions generally reserved for H include sermons, political speeches, university lectures, and news broadcasts, while those reserved for L include everyday conversations, instructions to servants, and folk literature.
   The varieties differ not only in grammar, phonology, and vocabulary, but also with respect to function, prestige, literary heritage, acquisition, standardization, and stability. L is typically acquired at home as a mother tongue and continues to be so used throughout life. Its main uses are familial and familiar. H, on the other hand, is learned through schooling and never at home. The separate domains in which H and L are acquired provide them with separate systems of support. Diglossic societies are marked not only by this compartmentalization of varieties, but also by restriction of access, especially to H. Entry to formal institutions such as school and government requires knowledge of H. In England, from medieval times until the 18c, Latin played an H role while English was L; in Scotland, 17--20c, the H role has usually been played by local standard English, the L role by varieties of Scots. In some English-speaking Caribbean and West African countries, the H role is played by local standard English, the L role by English-based creoles in the Caribbean and vernacular languages and English-based creoles in West Africa.
   The extent to which these functions are compartmentalized can be illustrated by the importance attached by community members to using the right variety in the appropriate context. An outsider who learns to speak L and then uses it in a formal speech risks being ridiculed. Members of a community generally regard H as superior to L in a number of respects; in some cases, H is regarded as the only 'real' version of a particular language, to the extent that people claim they do not speak L at all. Sometimes, the alleged superiority is avowed for religious and/or literary reasons: the fact that classical Arabic is the language of the Qur'ān endows it with special significance, as the language of the King James Bible, created in England, recommended itself to Scots as high religious style. In other cases, a long literary and scriptural tradition backs the H variety, as with Sanskrit in India. There is also a strong tradition of formal grammatical study and standardization associated with H varieties: for example, Latin and 'school' English.
   Since the term's first use in English, it has been extended to cases where the varieties in question do not belong to the same language (such as Spanish and Guaraní in Paraguay), as well as cases where more than two varieties or languages participate in such a relationship (French, classical Arabic, and colloquial Arabic in triglossic distribution in Tunisia, with French and classical Arabic sharing H functions). The term polyglossia (a state of many tongues) has been used to refer to cases such as Singapore, where Cantonese, English, Malay, and Tamil coexist in a functional relationship.

　詳しく突っ込んだ解説になっていると思う．まず，diglossia について，同一言語の異なる2変種の関係という狭い理解ではなく，異なる2言語の関係という広い理解のほうを前提としている点が注目される．つまり，最初から Fishman 寄りの解釈で diglossia を捉えている．
　また，McArthur は英語学の事典ということもあり，英語史や世界英語からの diglossia の事例をよく紹介している．
　さらに，シンガポール英語 (singapore_english) における polyglossia へも言及しており，diglossia の話題を拡げる方向の議論となっている．

　・ McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.

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■ #5306. 用語辞典でみる diglossia (1) [terminology][diglossia][bilingualism][sociolinguistics][hel_education]

　本ブログでは，「二言語変種使い分け」と訳されるダイグロシア (diglossia) について，様々に取り上げてきた．この術語は，唱者である Ferguson が提示したオリジナルの（狭い）意味で用いられる場合と，Fishman が発展させた広い意味で用いられる場合がある．さらに triglossia や polyglossia という用語も派生してきた．それぞれ論者によって適用範囲や解釈も異なり，うがった見方をすれば「底意ありげ」に用いられる場合もありそうだ．理論的にも厄介な代物である．
　このような場合には，様々な用語辞典を比べてみるのがよい．その第1弾として，入門的な Trudgill (38--39) の社会言語学用語辞典より引こう．

diglossia (1) A term associated with the American linguist Charles A. Furguson which describes sociolinguistic situations such as those that obtain in Arabic-speaking countries and in German-speaking Switzerland. In such a diglossic community, the prestigious standard or 'High' (or H) variety, which is linguistically related to but significantly different from the vernacular or 'Low' (or L) varieties, has no native speakers. All members of the speech community are native speakers of one of the L varieties, such as Colloquial Arabic and Swiss German, and learn the H variety, such as Classical Arabic and Standard German, at school. H varieties are typically used in writing and in high-status spoken domains where preparation of what is to be said or read is possible. L varieties are used in all other contexts. (2) Ferguson's original term was later extended by the American sociolinguist Joshua Fishman to include sociolinguistic situations other than those where the H and L varieties are varieties of the same language, such as Arabic or German. In Fishman's usage, even multilingual countries such as Nigeria, where English functions as a nationwide prestige language which is learnt in school and local languages such as Hausa and Yoruba are spoken natively, are described as being diglossic. In these cases, languages such as English are described as H varieties, and languages such as Yoruba as L.

　古今東西の diglossia の典型例が引かれている，Ferguson のオリジナルの解釈と Fish の拡大解釈が対比的に導入されているなど，簡便にまとまった記述となっている．まずはこの辺りから確認しておくのがよい．

　・ Trudgill, Peter. A Glossary of Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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