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最終更新時間: 2020-10-30 11:00

2018-02-06 Tue

#3207. 標準英語と言語の標準化に関するいくつかの術語 [terminology][sociolinguistics][standardisation][koine][dialect_levelling][language_planning][variety]

 このところ,英語の標準化 (standardisation) の歴史のみならず,言語の標準化について一般的に考える機会を多くもっている.この問題に関連する術語と概念を整理しようと,社会言語学の用語集 (Trudgill) を開いてみた.そこから集めたいくつかの術語とその定義・説明を,備忘のために記しておきたい.
 まずは,英語に関してずばり "Standard English" という用語から(「#1396. "Standard English" とは何か」 ([2013-02-21-1]),「#2116. 「英語」の虚構性と曖昧性」 ([2015-02-11-1]) も参照).

Standard English The dialect of English which is normally used in writing, is spoken by educated native speakers, and is taught to non-native speakers studying the language. There is no single accent associated with this dialect, but the lexicon and grammar of the dialect have been subject to codification in numerous dictionaries and grammars of the English language. Standard English is a polycentric standard variety, with English, Scottish, American, Australian and other standard varieties differing somewhat from one another. All other dialects can be referred to collectively as nonstandard English.

 ここで使われている "polycentric" という用語については,「#2384. polycentric language」 ([2015-11-06-1]) と「#2402. polycentric language (2)」 ([2015-11-24-1]) も参照.
 次に,"standardisation" という用語から芋づる式にいくつかの用語をたどってみた.

standardisation The process by which a particular variety of a language is subject to language determination, codification and stabilisation. These processes, which lead to the development of a standard language, may be the result of deliberate language planning activities, as with the standardisation of Indonesia, or not, as with the standardisation of English.

status planning [≒language determination] In language planning, status planning refers to decisions which have to be taken concerning the selection of particular languages or varieties of language for particular purposes in the society or nation in question. Decisions about which language or languages are to be the national or official languages of particular nation-states are among the more important of status planning issues. Status planning is often contrasted with corpus planning or language development. In the use of most writers, status planning is not significantly different from language determination.

codification The process whereby a variety of a language, often as part of a standardisation process, acquires a publicly recognised and fixed form in which norms are laid down for 'correct' usage as far as grammar, vocabulary, spelling and perhaps pronunciation are concerned. This codification can take place over time without involvement of official bodies, as happened with Standard English, or it can take place quite rapidly, as a result of conscious decisions by governmental or other official planning agencies, as happened with Swahili in Tanzania. The results of codification are usually enshrined in dictionaries and grammar books, as well as, sometimes, in government publications.

stabilisation A process whereby a formerly diffuse language variety that has been in a state of flux undergoes focusing . . . and takes on a more fixed and stable form that is shared by all its speakers. Pidginised jargons become pidgins through the process of stabilisation. Dialect mixtures may become koinés as a result of stabilisation. Stabilisation is also a component of language standardisation.

focused According to a typology of language varieties developed by the British sociolinguist Robert B. LePage, some language communities and thus language varieties are relatively more diffuse, while others are relatively more focused. Any speech act performed by an individual constitutes an act of identity. If only a narrow range of identities is available for enactment in a speech community, that community can be regarded as focused. Focused linguistic communities tend to be those where considerable standardisation and codification have taken place, where there is a high degree of agreement about norms of usage, where speakers tend to show concern for 'purity' and marking their language variety off from other varieties, and where everyone agrees about what the language is called. European language communities tend to be heavily focused. LePage points out that notions such as admixture, code-mixing, code-switching, semilingualism and multilingualism depend on a focused-language-centred point of view of the separate status of language varieties.

diffuse According to a typology of language varieties developed by the British sociolinguist Robert B. LePage, a characteristic of certain language communities, and thus language varieties. Some communities are relatively more diffuse, while others are relatively more focused. Any speech act performed by an individual constitutes an act of identity. If a wide range of identities is available for enactment in a speech community, that community can be regarded as diffuse. Diffuse linguistic communities tend to be those where little standardisation or codification have taken place, where there is relatively little agreement about norms of usage, where speakers show little concern for marking off their language variety from other varieties, and where they may accord relatively little importance even to what their language is called.

 最後に挙げた2つ "focused" と "diffuse" は言語共同体や言語変種について用いられる対義の形容詞で,実に便利な概念だと感心した.光の反射の比喩だろうか,集中と散乱という直感的な表現で,標準化の程度の高低を指している.英語史の文脈でいえば,中英語は a diffuse variety であり,(近)現代英語や後期古英語は focused varieties であると概ね表現できる."focused" のなかでも程度があり,程度の高いものを "fixed",低いものを狭い意味での "focused" とするならば,(近)現代英語は前者,後期古英語は後者と表現できるだろう.fixed と focused の区別については,「#929. 中英語後期,イングランド中部方言が標準語の基盤となった理由」 ([2011-11-12-1]) も参照.

 ・ Trudgill, Peter. A Glossary of Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

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2018-01-08 Mon

#3178. 産業革命期,伝統方言から都市変種へ [lmode][industrial_revolution][history][sociolinguistics][dialect][dialectology][variety][koine][dialect_levelling][bre]

 18--19世紀の Industrial Revolution (産業革命)は,英国社会の構造を大きく変えた.その社会言語学的な帰結は,端的にいえば伝統方言 (traditional dialects) から都市変種 (urban varieties) への移行といってよい.交通・輸送手段の発達により,人々の行動様式や社会的ネットワークが様変わりし,各地域の内部における伝統的な人間関係が前の時代よりも弱まり,伝統方言の水平化 (dialect_levelling) と共通語化 (koinéization) が進行した.一方で,各地に現われた近代型の都市が地域社会の求心力となり,新しい方言,すなわち都市変種が生まれてきた.都市変種は地域性よりも所属する社会階級をより強く反映する傾向がある点で,伝統方言とは異なる存在である.
 Gramley (181) が,この辺りの事情を以下のように説明している.

[The Industrial Revolution and the transportation revolution] were among the most significant social changes of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Partly as a prerequisite for and partly as an effect of industrialization there were fundamental changes in transportation. First, in the period after 1750 there was the establishment of turnpikes, then canals, and finally railroads. Among their consequences was the development of regional and supra-regional markets and, concomitant with this, greater labor force mobility in a money rather than barter economy with the potential for consumption. It hardly seems necessary to point out that this led to a weakening of the rural traditional dialects and an upsurge of new urban varieties in the process of dialect leveling or koinéization.
   As industrialization continued, new centers in the Northeast (mining) and in the Western Midlands (textiles in Manchester and Birmingham and commerce in Liverpool) began to emerge. Immigration of labor from "abroad" also ensured further language and dialect contact as Irish workers found jobs in the major projects of canal building in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and then in the building of the railways. Enclaves of Irish came into being, especially in Liverpool. Despite linguistic leveling the general distinctions were retained between the North (now divided more clearly than ever between the English North and Scotland), the East Midlands and the now industrializing West Midlands, and the South. The emergence of a new, mostly working-class, urban population in the North in the nineteenth century was accompanied by a literature of its own. Pamphlets, broadsides, and almanacs showed local consciousness and pride in vernacular culture and language. As the novels of Elizabeth Gaskel demonstrate, language --- be it traditional dialect or working-class koiné --- was a marker of class solidarity.

 関連する話題として,「#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization」 ([2013-11-23-1]),「#2028. 日本とイングランドにおける方言の将来」 ([2014-11-15-1]),「#2023. England の現代英語方言区分 (3) --- Modern Dialects」 ([2014-11-10-1]) も参照.

 ・ Gramley, Stephan. The History of English: An Introduction. Abingdon: Routledge, 2012.

Referrer (Inside): [2020-03-12-1]

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2017-09-06 Wed

#3054. 黒死病による社会の流動化と諸方言の水平化 [black_death][reestablishment_of_english][history][demography][me_dialect][sociolinguistics][dialect_levelling]

 英語史では中世における英語の復権と関連して,たいてい黒死病のことが触れられる.しかし,簡単に言及されるにとどまり,突っ込んだ説明のないものも多い.そのなかで,一般向けの英語史読本を著わした Gooden (67--68) は,黒死病に対して1節を割くほどの関心を示している.読み物としておもしろいので引用しておこう.なお,引用の第2段落の1部は,Black Death の語源と関連して「#2990. Black Death」 ([2017-07-04-1]) でも取りあげた.

The Black Death had a devastating effect on the British Isles, as on the rest of Europe. The population of England was cut by anything between a third and a half. Probably originating in Asia, the plague arrived in a Dorset port in the West country in 1348, rapidly spreading to Bristol and then to Gloucester, Oxford and London. If a rate of progress were to be allotted to the plague, it was advancing at about one-and-a-half miles a day. The major population centres, linked by trading routes, were the most obviously vulnerable but the epidemic had reached even the remotest areas of western Ireland by the end of the next decade. Symptoms such as swellings (the lumps or buboes that characterize bubonic plague), fever and delirium were almost invariably followed within a few days by death. Ignorance of its cause heightened panic and public fatalism, as well as hampering effectual preventive measures. Although the epidemic petered out in the short term, the disease did not go away, recurring in localized attacks and then major outbreaks during the 17th century which particularly affected London. One of them disrupted the preparations for the coronation of James I in 1603; the last major epidemic killed 70,000 Londoners in 1665.
   The term 'Black Death' came into use after the Middle Ages. It was so called either because of the black lumps or because in the Latin phrase atra mors, which means 'terrible death', atra can also carry the sense of 'black'. To the unfortunate victims, it was the plague, or, more often, the pestilence. So Geoffrey Chaucer calls it in The Pardoner's Tale, where he makes it synonymous with death. The words survive in modern English even if with a much diminished force in colloquial use: 'He's a pest.' 'Stop plaguing us!' Curiously, although pest in the sense of 'nuisance' has its roots in pestilence, the word pester comes from a quite different source, the Old French empêtrer ('entangle', 'get in the way of').
   The impact of the pestilence on English society was profound. Quite apart from the psychological effects, there were practical consequences. Labour shortages meant a rise in wages and more fluid social structure in which the old feudal bonds began to break down. Geographical mobility would also have helped in dissolving regional distinctions and dialect differences.

 黒死病による人口減少により,生き残った労働者の賃金が上がり,彼らの社会的地位が上昇するとともに彼らの母語である英語の社会的地位も上昇した,というのが黒死病の英語史上のインパクトと言われる.しかし,引用の最後にあるように,人々が社会的にも地理的にも流動化したという点にも注目すべきである.これにより,人々がますます混交し,とりわけロンドンのような都会では諸方言が水平化してゆく契機となった (cf. dialect levelling) .黒死病は,確かに英語の行く末に間接的な影響を与えたといえるだろう.

 ・ Gooden, Philip. The Story of English: How the English Language Conquered the World. London: Quercus, 2009.

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2017-03-04 Sat

#2868. いかにして古英語諸方言が生まれたか [oe_dialect][dialectology][anglo-saxon][dialect_levelling]

 古英語方言の形成について論じた Crowley は,そのようには考えていない.Crowley は,むしろ8世紀以降に確認される古英語の諸方言は,彼らがブリテン島へ移住した後の諸状況を主たる要因として生じたものであると論じている.5世紀からの移住にあたって,西ゲルマンの諸民族は各々の方言を携えていた,ということはあったろう.しかし,ブリテン島に渡ってからは,諸民族はやがて融合し,言語的な差異もいったんはおよそ水平化された可能性が高い (cf. dialect levelling) .その後,再びブリテン島内部において方言化の動きが生じ,歴史時代の始まりまでに,私たちが観察できる古英語の諸方言が生まれていたのではないか.Crowley は,この改めて生じた方言の形成に関わる諸要因として,重要な順に,地形,軍事・政治史,キリスト教,教育,言語接触を挙げている.Crowley (97--98) に直接語ってもらおう.

   In the genesis of the Old English dialects, post-migration factors appear to have been more important than pre-migration factors. For the most part, the dialects were not brought over from the continent. While there is historical and archaeological evidence to support Bede's statement that the principal peoples in the settlement were the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes . . . , there is even more evidence, archaeological, documentary, and onomastic, to indicate that more tribes than these three took part in the migration and that the settlement groups were heterogeneous --- that there were rarely coherent, homogeneous, separate areas of settlement exclusively for the Angles or Saxons or Jutes. Though it is a fact that certain distinct regional groups in sixth-century Anglo-Saxon jewelry correspond to particular cultures of the continental Angles and Saxons respectively, this proves nothing about the dialect divisions of Old English in that period. The linguistic features which differentiate Old English dialects, except for ǣ1/ē . . . and perhaps breaking/retraction, seem to have developed in England after the migration and primarily because of isolative geographical and political conditions. The invaders probably spoke various dialects of Germanic, but the differences between those dialects were not (ǣ1/ē excepted) those that by c. 750 AD (the time our witness documents begin) distinguished the Old English dialects. Most of the division between the continental tribes were probably lost in the mixing and social reorganisation of the migration and settlement.
   The chief factors, then, in shaping the attested Old English dialects seem to have been forces in post-migration England: physiography, military and political history, Christianity and education, and contacts with other languages --- in order of descending importance. . . . Once regional differences in phonology and inflections developed during the proto-Old English period, the spoken dialects were probably not radically modified by later political and educational changes, for such factors directly affected the speech of only a minority of the population.

 古英語の方言区分についての教科書的な記述は,「#1433. 10世紀以前の古英語テキストの分布」 ([2013-03-30-1]) の記事を参照.

 ・ Crowley, Joseph P. "The Study of Old English Dialects." English Studies 67 (1986): 97--104.

Referrer (Inside): [2017-03-06-1]

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2016-11-08 Tue

#2752. dialect という用語について [greek][terminology][dialect][standardisation][koine][literature][register][language_or_dialect][dialect_levelling]

 Haugen (922--23) によれば,dialect という英単語は,ルネサンス期にギリシア語から学術用語として借用された語である.OED の「方言」の語義での初例は1566年となっており,そこでは英語を含む土着語の「方言」を表わす語として用いられている.フランス語へはそれに先立つ16年ほど前に入ったようで,そこではギリシア語を評して abondante en dialectes と表現されている.1577年の英語での例は,"Certeyne Hebrue dialectes" と古典語に関するものであり,1614年の Sir Walter Raleigh の The History of the World では,ギリシア語の "Æeolic Dialect" が言及されている.英語での当初の使い方としては,このように古典語の「方言」を指して dialect という用語が使われることが多かったようだ.そこから,近代当時の土着語において対応する変種の単位にも応用されるようになったのだろう.
 ギリシア語に話を戻すと,古典期には統一した標準ギリシア語なるものはなく,標準的な諸「方言」の集合体があるのみだった.だが,注意すべきは,これらの「方言」は,話し言葉としての方言に対してではなく,書き言葉としての方言に対して与えられた名前だったことである.確かにこれらの方言の名前は地方名にあやかったものではあったが,実際上は,ジャンルによって使い分けられる書き言葉の区分を表わすものだった.例えば,歴史書には Ionic,聖歌歌詞には Doric,悲劇には Attic などといった風である (see 「#1454. ギリシャ語派(印欧語族)」 ([2013-04-20-1])) .
 これらのギリシア語の書き言葉の諸方言は,元来は,各地方の話し言葉の諸方言に基盤をもっていたに違いない.後者は,比較言語学的に再建できる古い段階の "Common Greek" が枝分かれした結果の諸方言である.古典期を過ぎると,これらの話し言葉の諸方言は消え去り,本質的にアテネの方言であり,ある程度の統一性をもった koiné によって置き換えられていった (= koinéization; see 「#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization」 ([2013-11-23-1])) .そして,これがギリシア語そのもの (the Greek language) と認識されるようになった.
 つまり,古典期からの歴史をまとめると,"several Greek dialects" → "the Greek language" と推移したことになる.諸「方言」の違いを解消して,覇権的に統一したもの,それが「言語」なのである.本来この歴史的な意味で理解されるべき dialect (と language)という用語が,近代の土着語に応用される及び,用語遣いの複雑さをもたらすことになった.その複雑さについては,明日の記事で.

 ・ Haugen, Einar. "Dialect, Language, Nation." American Anthropologist. 68 (1966): 922--35.

Referrer (Inside): [2016-11-09-1]

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